The question of
polyandry is also a controversial issue. Some writers claim that this form of
marriage was common in pre-Islamic Arabia at a particular stage and
certain vestiges thereof were found at the rise of Islam.
This notion is
usually connected with a theory of matrilineality leading, eventually, to
patrilineality. An examination of the evidence adduced to support this theory
and of the findings of other investigators would seem to lead to the conclusion
that this form of marriage was neither universal in any society nor
representative of any historical stage.
Polyandry is likely
to prevail under such conditions as these: a very high sex ratio, lack of
sexual jealousy, severe poverty, internalization of the conceptions of common
property, benevolence with regard to sex, and insignificance of the economic
output of women.
It is very unlikely
that these conditions will obtain, in combination, long enough in a society to
give rise to perpetual, institutionalized polyandry. Even if some of these
conditions, such as poverty, prevail other conditions, e.g., sexual jealousy or
acquisitiveness will most probably check the tendency toward total societal
polyandry.
However, various
kinds of laxity, sexual hospitality, and sex communism have existed in some
societies for various reasons. But these are exceptions and do not take the
form of institutionalized marriages and reciprocal commitments.1
The extent of
polyandry in pre-Islamic Arabia is therefore uncertain. Matrilineality had
existed but it had no conclusively causal relation with polyandry. Female
infanticide, poverty, and sexual laxity were known, but not to any degree
demonstratively conducive to polyandry as an institutionalized form of
marriage.
Conceptions of honor,
pride, and shame, which are believed to have been responsible, at least partly,
for female infanticide, would not ordinarily favor patterned polyandry.2
Yet this does not
preclude occasional recourse thereto. There are accounts that it was practiced.
In certain cases a woman would cohabit with a group of men whose number was
under ten. When she gave birth she summoned all of them (no one could refuse to
respond to her call) and told them the news. Then she herself would decide who
the father of her child would be.3
This implies that the
woman must have been powerful enough to express her choice and have men abide
by her decision. If so, it is likely that not many women could have been in
this favorable position.
Further, the reports on these cases give the impression that it was not any man, but some particular men, who could have had this kind of intimacy with one woman, and that the reason for this kind of relationship was, perhaps, the quest for good breeding.4
Further, the reports on these cases give the impression that it was not any man, but some particular men, who could have had this kind of intimacy with one woman, and that the reason for this kind of relationship was, perhaps, the quest for good breeding.4
In another variant of
polyandry also known in pre-Islamic Arabia, the number of men involved was
greater than that of the first variant and the relationship was characterized
as prostitution.
When the woman in
question gave birth physiognomists were called to determine the child’s lineage
and the man named as father had to accept their decision. Women who were
involved in this kind of relationship, we are told, lived in isolation and
disrespect.
They were in the main
slaves of non-Arab stock; it is contended that seldom would Arab women put
themselves in this position. There are indications that slave owners used to
force their slave girls to enter the practice and turn over their earnings to
the masters.
At any rate, while
this may have been a form of sexual behavior, it can hardly be designated as a
pattern of marriage.5
References
6. Cf. Smith (1 ),
pp. 122-39; Pitts, p. 71; Bernard, pp. 226-7; Westermarck (1), pp. 472 ff; (2),
vol. 2, p. 387; Thomas, pp. 532 ff.; Jum'ah, pp. 14 s e q q .; WafI (3),
pp. 66 s e q q .; Murdock, pp. 36-7.
7. See the references
cited in the previous note; cf. al AlusI, vol. 3, pp. 43-4; Roberts, pp. 94-5;
WafI (3), pp. 117-8.
8. See, for example,
al AlusI, vol. 2, p. 4; WafI (3 ), p. 78; ‘Awwa, pp. .17-8.
9. It is generally
believed that pre-Islamic Arabs, men and women, were possessed by the desire
for good progeny. So much was this the case that a childless husband might ask
his wife to cohabit with another man of some notable quality, e.g., bravery,
nobility, etc., the hope that she would conceive. The offspring, if any, would regarded
as belonging to the husband, not to the natural father. T was known as I s
tib d a cohabitation. (See for example, Stern, p. 74; Wafi (3 ), p. 78; al
AlusI, vol. 2, p. 4). If a married woman could consent to this kind of
arrangement, the inducement might have been due to her feeling that she would
be honored to cohabit with men of distinction, and more honored if she
conceived and had the liberty to choose her child's father. Such women could
not have been of the common type; if they were, nothing would have compelled
the male partners to respond to their calls and abide by their arbitrary
choice,
(cf. n. 12 in this
chapter).
10. Cf. al AIGsI,
vol. 2, pp. 4-5; Wafi (3 ), pp. 72-3, 78; Smith (1 ) , p. 286; al Qur'an, 24:33;
60-12; al Zamakhsharl, vol. 3, pp. 239- 40; vol. 4, p. 520.
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