A general review of
the relationship between brothers and sisters in the heart of the Muslim world
of both ancient and modern times reveals some interesting patterns and
contrasts.
From the very early
days of life in that part of the world, that relationship was sometimes marked
with rivalry, jealousy, and hostility. Sibling rivalry often involved the
parents as favoring one child, almost invariably the youngest, to other
children.
This was further
aggravated by the practice of polygyny as well as other social considerations.
For example, there are indications that even among contemporary Middle
Easterners sibling rivalry is conscious, deliberate, and contemplated by some families
so that the child may, in Patai’s words, “stand up to its rivals upon becoming
an adult.”
It is also probable
that these families’ early ancestors might have felt that “exposure to
competitive stress within the family was the best way for preparing the sons
for life . . . where . . . might meant right. . . ”
However, the sibling
relationship, especially between brothers and sisters, was more often than not
profoundly amicable. There are indications that brothers were allies,
helpmates, and reliable supporters of one another.
So commonly, it
seems, was this the case that their solidarity, compassion, and natural fealty
became proverbial or set apart as lofty ideals, whose implementation is both
desired and desirable. The Qur’an, for example, speaks of the Believers as
constituting one brotherhood and refers to the Muslim individual as the brother
of every other Muslim.
This appears to
suggest that brotherhood must have meant a strong bond, an appealing sentiment,
a familiar rallying cry, and above all a special relationship.
The Qur’an was
calling upon these people to interact with one another as brothers. Unless
brotherhood had actually meant something particular to these people and their ancestors,
the Qur’an’s call would have fallen upon deaf ears.124
Moreover, there is
literary evidence that in pre-Islamic times, brothers (a) loved their sisters
and their sisters’ children, (b) shared their wealth with their sisters, (c)
married experienced, older widows and divorced women in preference to young
maidens because the former could take better care of their husbands’ sisters,
(d) heeded the sisters’ counsel and sometimes implemented it, and (e) protected
their sisters and respected their wishes. On their part, sisters reciprocated
and often favored their brothers over their own husbands; blood bonds were
deemed stronger than marital obligations.125 In the Islamic context,
however, brothers’ relationships were reorganized either to take new dimensions
or to discontinue old ones.
The very concept of
brotherhood was broadened to include the entire body of the Believers.
Brotherhood in faith transcended brotherhood in blood, although it did not
necessarily replace it completely.
The principle of ihsan,
with all its denotations, was to be implemented in and applied to the brothers’
relationships. But in spite of the enjoined compassion and mutual support,
every individual brother or sister is still held independently responsible for
his or her deeds and directly accountable to God.
Whenever there is an
irreconcilable conflict between one’s relationship to God and the demands of consanguineal
brotherhood, one’s spiritual welfare comes first in priority.126
Blood brothers and
sisters share their “gains” and “losses” collectively. When they inherit from a
deceased relative, e.g., a parent, they share the assets together. Likewise,
when they are enjoined to support a needy deserving relative, the
responsibility is shouldered by them together.
The distribution of
such gains and responsibilities are agreed upon by jurists in principle, although
some differentiate between the sexes, doubling the male’s share of both gains
and liabilities.127
With reference to the
mutual obligations of brothers and sisters, there is a general agreement that
this intragenerational relationship must be governed by kindness, love, equity,
and all that is denoted in the concept of Ihsan.
This is what the
statements of the Qur’an and the sayings of the Prophet command. But jurists
disagree as to the specific application of ihsan in this connection.
Some schools take it to mean primarily specific, fixed responsibilities for
brothers and sisters as far as their maintenance needs are concerned.
It is the
religio-moral duty of the Muslim to support his needy brother or sister
adequately. Failure to discharge this kinship duty is not only indicative of
ingratitude and disrespect for blood ties, but also punishable here and now as
well as on the Day of Judgment.
Other schools
interpret ihsan among brothers and sisters to mean a general sentiment
of compassion and consideration that does not necessarily amount to any
specific compulsory pattern of aid and, above all, does not involve recourse to
litigation.
Needy individuals
accordingly, are the collective responsibility of the whole community, not only
of their blood brothers and sisters.128
REFERENCES
124. al Q u r 'a n , 2:178; 3:103; 9:11;
12:69; 19:53; 20:30; 25:35; 28:34-35; 49:10-12; 59:10.
125. al Han
(2), pp. 315 ff.
126. See
the references cited in note 124 in this chapter; cf. al Qur’an, 9:24; 23:9; 58:22; 80:34.
127. See su p ra , pp. 304 ff; also a l Q u r 'a n , 4:7, 11, 170.
128. Cf.
Ibn Taymiyyah, a l F a taw a , p.
453; Ibn al Qayyim (3),
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